Reactions here in Nigeria to the arrest, detention and trial of the Governor of Bayelsa state, Diepreye Alamiyeseigha, in Britain over the charge of money laundering have thrown more light on the Nigerian character and society, and certainly not on the case itself. An assessment of reports in the Nigeria media prove one major point: namely, that we have serious problems in this country, that we are a people without standards, values, beyond shame, we live in a society where anything is possible, we worship persons, we place them above the rule of law, anything can be rationalised, Nigerians can hold a position today and shift to the other side tomorrow and still argue with great passion, and there is never a shortage of opportunists, in and out of the corridors of power. To start with, I am concerned that the DSP case may have become a source of business and livelihood for a category of Nigerians, a kind of ladder, and an avenue for self-promotion. This is perhaps the only explanation for the outrageous responses to the saga. In Bayelsa state for example, the political and cultural elite is playing safe; its members want to be seen to be loyal to the Governor, and they have been busy playing games with both sides of the mouth.
And so from the Ijaw National Congress to the Concerned Mothers of Bayelsa, and Bayelsa Consultative Council of Elders, there has been a curious and invidious attempt to express solidarity with Alamiyeseigha, (Alami or Alamsco) in his moment of trial. A so-called Concerned Mothers of Bayelsa carried placards the other day; they sang Alamiyeseigha's praises, and called on the British government to leave him alone. I don't think these are "concerned mothers"; they sounded like rented and sponsored mothers. Some Ijaw elders also went to Aso Villa to see the President.
The President refused to see them. Why should President Obasanjo step into this matter? Why are they going to him? Does he run an extension of the British law courts in Abuja? When the Alamiyeseigha story broke, it was alleged that it was he, Obasanjo who tipped off the British authorities and that Alamiyeseigha is in trouble only because he is not in Obasanjo's good books. So why go to a man who has been classified as the enemy? The joke is on Obasanjo and he should know. He should be careful not to confirm the impression that he is the witch behind Alamiyeseigha's travails or that he is in a position to influence the machinery of justice in Britain.
The Bayelsa House of Assembly has also since shut down, with all its members on an indefinite recess. What is at play is obvious: the lawmakers want to avoid a situation where they would have to discuss the Governor's case. As it is, the Bayelsa House of Assembly may not reconvene until the case is resolved. Even the Speaker of the House has said that much. What the Bayelsa lawmakers have exposed is the state of Nigerian democracy. What we have is not a democracy that is based on principles and ideas, but personalities. Alamiyeseigha is the most important political figure in Bayelsa state; nobody wants to offend him or his supporters, because the price for insisting on the truth may be high. But must the State House of Assembly stop functioning, must the machinery of government grind to a halt, just because the Governor is in trouble in a foreign land?
The Bayelsa Speaker is on record, as saying that the Governor is innocent until proven guilty. The Nigerian Constitution says a Governor can only be impeached on the grounds of "gross misconduct": the meaning of which shall be determined by the state legislature. But is Alamiyeseigha not already guilty of gross misconduct? He has brought Nigeria and the state of Bayelsa to ridicule, and demeaned the high office that he occupies. He has been remanded in prison custody; and has now been granted bail and moved into an open prison. He cannot go within three miles of any port in Britain, otherwise he will be arrested, even security dogs will bark on sighting him.
This is a Nigerian leader whose photograph is now in the hands of every security officer in Britain. He cannot sleep in any house that is unknown to the British authorities. Every day, he has to go a police station and report himself. His travel passports have been seized. His assets have been confiscated. At home and abroad, he has become a symbol for money laundering. This case places a moral burden on the people of Bayelsa and all Ijaws. And yet, the state House of Assembly is behaving as if it is an organ of the Governor rather than act in the interest of the people of Bayelsa.
Even the Deputy Governor has been very hostile towards any suggestion that he is an acting Governor or that a situation may arise where he would need to assume office as Governor. He desperately wants to be seen as a loyal deputy. The truth is that Goodluck is trying to be lucky. He is using his boss's trials to enhance his own political fortunes; while pretending to be an Alami man, he is in fact taking advantage of the situation. If Alamiyeseigha survives the present crisis, and even if he does not, he, Goodluck, having been so loyal to him in the face of adversity, would find it easier than any other aspirant to position himself as a gubernatorial candidate for 2007. And it is not an accident that Dr Goodluck Jonathan has been praised by Bayelsa elders for his loyalty!
Outside Bayelsa state, lawyers, only God knows who is working on what brief, have turned the Alamiyesiegha case into a public debate over the meaning of diplomatic immunity. It is an utterly useless controversy. The British justice system is not going to listen to the command of Nigerian debaters; it will be guided strictly by its own rules and traditions and if there is anything to be taken from the handling of the case by the Bow Street Magistrate Court and the Crown court, it is clear that the British system is convinced that Alamiyeseigha has a case to answer, a prima facie case having been established against him, and that he is not entitled to any form of diplomatic immunity. And this being so clear, you wonder why otherwise brilliant Nigerians are wasting so much ink discussing an issue that will not serve any purpose in the present circumstances.
It is also sad that the relevant questions are not being asked. How did Alamiyesiegha end up with so much money? What is his salary as Governor? What did he declare to the Code of Conduct Bureau in 1999 and how much has he made since then? Why did he have so much money in his London home? Now that he is stranded in Britain, for how long can a Governor be absent from his duty post and still be allowed to hold down the office? Does our Constitution make provision for an absentee Governor? To avoid these questions and begin to argue that the man has immunity is disturbing. So beyond the immunity question, where do the commentators stand? It is even more disingenuous to say that the man is being persecuted because he is Ijaw. For Heaven's sake what has ethnicity got to do with this? Interestingly, Alamiyeseigha's defenders have shied away from making categorical statements about money laundering and his role in it. They are not saying anything about him, or to him, instead they are blaming the British.
Their principal point is that it is not only Alamiyesiegha that has stolen public funds in Nigeria. Thus, the impression is being created that it is perfectly normal in this country for a public officer to steal, and that because some officers are protected by the law, they should be allowed to do so. This certainly cannot be the intention of the law-givers. Indeed, the Nigerian intelligentsia is showing up very badly in this case, they are not just arguing, they are being partisan, and I suspect when all this is over, one of the major issues to be considered would most likely be the contributions of this class to the dispossession of the Nigerian state and the devaluation of the public space.
Meanwhile, in Bayelsa, lawmakers and commissioners have reportedly gone underground; local government chairmen have fled from the state capital, their exotic cars have been withdrawn from the streets. In public, they pretend to be on the side of the Governor, but privately, they are all struggling to cover their tracks. Governors in our various states are also avoiding England. According to one report, the ones among them who have had cause to travel to Europe have done so without informing the Presidency. Every Governor is trying to be careful; the other day, it was Dariye, the Plateau state Governor, today, it is Alamiyeseigha, the Bayelsa Governor, no other Governor wants to be the next scapegoat. What can be taken from this is that many of our public officials have a lot to hide. They do not know what it means to be in public office and in a position of responsibility. Corruption is widespread; the guilty are afraid; the heat is on!
In Bayelsa, the principal losers are the people and sadly, their voice is not being heard. It is their money that is being traced; it is their future that has been placed in a state of suspended animation. For sure, it is not only Governors that are corrupt in our land; it is the entire system that needs to be cleansed and reformed. The bigger thieves in fact are in the civil service: all those officers with modest pay but who have houses in Europe and children in some of the most expensive schools on the surface of the earth. So no one should be surprised that in Bayelsa at the moment, every public official is running away from the EFCC officials who are also exploiting Alamiyeseigha's circumstances to swoop on the state.
The New Age has reported that a lobby group has been appealing to the Federal Government to arrange the release of the Bayelsa Governor to Nigerian authorities, so that he can face trial at home. We are indeed a country of deal-makers. We always think that any situation can be manipulated, including the rule of law. There is no court of law in Nigeria that can try Alamiyeseigha for money laundering in or out of office. Big men in Nigeria are as a rule, above the law. If the Obasanjo government is serious about its anti-corruption campaign, it should steer clear of the Alami case. The British should be allowed to pursue the case, a crime committed on British soil, to its logical end. If Alamiyeseigha ends up in jail so be it. Future Governors will remember his story and perhaps learn. The British would also have helped Obasanjo to achieve what he has been trying to do in the last six years of his anti-corruption campaign.
In other societies, a man in Alami's situation would have resigned and apologised for bringing his people so much embarrassment, while he continues the battle for his honour. In Syria, a former intelligence chief and Interior Minister, who was accused of corruption and murder felt so bad and has since committed suicide. His name is Ghazi Kenaan. He died this week. But here in Nigeria, such a thing would not happen, disgraced public officials do not resign; they wait until they are pushed out. Those who are protesting that Alamiyeseigha is an important man who is entitled to immunity must remember that in the eyes of the British, he is really an ordinary man in the temple of justice. He had gone to Germany we are told, to do a tummy tuck because the size of his stomach was beginning to affect his heart. In retrospect, he didn't need that surgery after all. By the time he is through with this trial, I predict that his tummy will be effectively flat. He is all things considered a damaged man, but he says he does not need our pity. But really, he deserves our pity, doesn't he?