Chxta's Space (18 Viewers)
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I get to Sabon Giri, the foreigners quarter of Kano, by 9pm. The taxi drops me outside the Independence Hotel on Enugu Road. Across the street, a line of open air bars, with televisions turned to the customers near the shacks that store the drinks. A little further away, there is the noise of arabic-hausa pop music blaring out from behind a compound. A metal door to the compound opens and closes. To begin, I assume it is an Islamic club for youngsters, NASFAT or northern equivalent, and hold my distance. But from those entering and leaving, something tells me it is otherwise. I step forward.
Entering the compound, I find myself in a space full of men (most look like hausa guys), with women in blue lace and gele's walking langorously about. They weave between the men, stopping a while. Hands touch hands lightly. The women smoke cigarettes casually, fingers light against the rolled stick. I ask the man at the gate what is taking place here. He says it is 'hausa gramma'. It doesn't look like a language class to me, so I ask him again. 'It is hausa gramma, you know, dancing. Please, take a seat, they have only just started.'
I sit down at the back, on a bench, behind a row of men who are chatting excitedly in hausa. One of the women at the front starts dancing, facing the crowd. Her hips undulate; she does Egyptian-style movements with her hands. A man gets up and starts spraying her. Then another man gets up and starts dancing close to her, but not too close. An invisible pressure seems to stop things becoming too bodily. One of the blue-lace women strolls near me. Although dressed in Yoruba atire, she doesn't look Yoruba at all - she looks northern.
I try to understand what I see before me. The space is complex: from where I am sitting, I cannot see the full extent of the courtyard, it opens out to the left. Perhaps there are rooms leading off that are available? The evening is young: where will it end? Most of the men here are hausa, coming to stare at Yoruba-dressed women, and play the Yoruba game of spraying money. It is as if the Yoruba woman has become the totem for a repressed sexuality, and Yoruba owambe behaviour the code for entering the world of desire. Dressed in lace and gele, she becomes the figure of the courtesan; just out of reach, yet just within reach, the elegantly folded geisha of West Africa.
Sabon Giri is home to a million people. There is no electricity at night. The quarter is pure shadow, lit by the thousands of flickering kerosene lamps of the street sellers. The roads are craterous. People from place to place on achamba (motorbike taxi). Women walk around with bare arms and in jeans - something you don't see in central Kano at all. Sabon Giri is the unrepressed shadow within the Shariah State of Kano: all Muslim cultures have such a space. It is the space where desire is let loose. It is where Nigeria mixes itself up and spits itself out in a variety of transgressions.
I leave the courtyard, and take a seat at one of the open air bars. Prostitutes lurk in the shadows; men come to talk to them, the usual arrangements are made. After my beer, I go to talk to one of them. She says she is from Port Harcourt and is renting a room in a nearby hotel. I ask her how much for the night. She says the whole night is not possible, it can only be for a short while. I ask how much for a short while. She looks at me, then looks at her friend, her mind testing the limits of retail price inflation. After ten seconds, she blurts out N4 000 (around £16 or $30). I walk away to find a taxi and my hotel, alone.
Entering the compound, I find myself in a space full of men (most look like hausa guys), with women in blue lace and gele's walking langorously about. They weave between the men, stopping a while. Hands touch hands lightly. The women smoke cigarettes casually, fingers light against the rolled stick. I ask the man at the gate what is taking place here. He says it is 'hausa gramma'. It doesn't look like a language class to me, so I ask him again. 'It is hausa gramma, you know, dancing. Please, take a seat, they have only just started.'
I sit down at the back, on a bench, behind a row of men who are chatting excitedly in hausa. One of the women at the front starts dancing, facing the crowd. Her hips undulate; she does Egyptian-style movements with her hands. A man gets up and starts spraying her. Then another man gets up and starts dancing close to her, but not too close. An invisible pressure seems to stop things becoming too bodily. One of the blue-lace women strolls near me. Although dressed in Yoruba atire, she doesn't look Yoruba at all - she looks northern.
I try to understand what I see before me. The space is complex: from where I am sitting, I cannot see the full extent of the courtyard, it opens out to the left. Perhaps there are rooms leading off that are available? The evening is young: where will it end? Most of the men here are hausa, coming to stare at Yoruba-dressed women, and play the Yoruba game of spraying money. It is as if the Yoruba woman has become the totem for a repressed sexuality, and Yoruba owambe behaviour the code for entering the world of desire. Dressed in lace and gele, she becomes the figure of the courtesan; just out of reach, yet just within reach, the elegantly folded geisha of West Africa.
Sabon Giri is home to a million people. There is no electricity at night. The quarter is pure shadow, lit by the thousands of flickering kerosene lamps of the street sellers. The roads are craterous. People from place to place on achamba (motorbike taxi). Women walk around with bare arms and in jeans - something you don't see in central Kano at all. Sabon Giri is the unrepressed shadow within the Shariah State of Kano: all Muslim cultures have such a space. It is the space where desire is let loose. It is where Nigeria mixes itself up and spits itself out in a variety of transgressions.
I leave the courtyard, and take a seat at one of the open air bars. Prostitutes lurk in the shadows; men come to talk to them, the usual arrangements are made. After my beer, I go to talk to one of them. She says she is from Port Harcourt and is renting a room in a nearby hotel. I ask her how much for the night. She says the whole night is not possible, it can only be for a short while. I ask how much for a short while. She looks at me, then looks at her friend, her mind testing the limits of retail price inflation. After ten seconds, she blurts out N4 000 (around £16 or $30). I walk away to find a taxi and my hotel, alone.
One of the sweetest days of my childhood...
World Youth Championship in Saudi Arabia, quarter finals, Nigeria dead and buried at 4 down, 30 minutes to go...
http://youtube.com/watch?v=p5LIGg1PkkU
The Russians were actually a good team coming into this game and also they were favourites to win the game. We struggled in our group matches after the opening match win against Saudi Arabia and it was a struggle from then on. We lost to Portugal in our second match and struggled against the Czech Republic in our last match. By the time the group games were over, We had accumulated three red cards, countless yellows and the team needed some new infusion of things.
All the goals the Russians scored were excellent goals and with great teamwork and precise passing and there was nothing we could do about it. Every mistake we made was turned into a goal... After going down 4-0, The score brought back sad memories of Chile'87 once again when people said this might be the worse team ever. The loss to Brazil was also by the same scoreline and people I was watching game with were already satisfied with a quaterfinal place which was at least better than the Chile'87 squad.
Even when we were making a comeback one by one, people were still looking at the goals as consolation goals because at least weren't disgraced like the Chile'87 squad. It wasn't until it was 4-2 that people felt there was a chance if we could take our chances we were right back in it. When Sam Elijah scored that third goal, cheii we kind of knew we would tie this game up which we did. Remarkable feat something I will always cherish forever. Lagos was shaking that day. I've never seen so much people on a beautiful Saturday...
Saudi'89 squad showed a lot of character, team spirit, grit, passion, fire, emotion and all worked well together despite their limitations to go very far in the tournament. Nobody gave them an ounce of chance before they left home after the Chile'87 debacle people back then didn't forget things very easily (Saudi'89 Squad really changed a lot of people minds and turned them around in one game because people never forgave the Chile'87 squad after so much expectations and promise was put on that team only to dissapoint in the end)
Despite losing to Portugal in the final, people still regarded them as champions because of what they did with limited personal, players getting injured and many more...They were our heroes and will always be forever.
The highlight of the tournament for me was watching Ugbade playing with one leg and was still able to score that equalizer that tied the game 4-4 and also had to play through extra time with only one leg because we had used all our subs and there was no way we could take him out and they decided to leave him in the game till we PK's came around. After that he ruled out for the remainder of the tournament. We missed him after that.
World Youth Championship in Saudi Arabia, quarter finals, Nigeria dead and buried at 4 down, 30 minutes to go...
http://youtube.com/watch?v=p5LIGg1PkkU
The Russians were actually a good team coming into this game and also they were favourites to win the game. We struggled in our group matches after the opening match win against Saudi Arabia and it was a struggle from then on. We lost to Portugal in our second match and struggled against the Czech Republic in our last match. By the time the group games were over, We had accumulated three red cards, countless yellows and the team needed some new infusion of things.
All the goals the Russians scored were excellent goals and with great teamwork and precise passing and there was nothing we could do about it. Every mistake we made was turned into a goal... After going down 4-0, The score brought back sad memories of Chile'87 once again when people said this might be the worse team ever. The loss to Brazil was also by the same scoreline and people I was watching game with were already satisfied with a quaterfinal place which was at least better than the Chile'87 squad.
Even when we were making a comeback one by one, people were still looking at the goals as consolation goals because at least weren't disgraced like the Chile'87 squad. It wasn't until it was 4-2 that people felt there was a chance if we could take our chances we were right back in it. When Sam Elijah scored that third goal, cheii we kind of knew we would tie this game up which we did. Remarkable feat something I will always cherish forever. Lagos was shaking that day. I've never seen so much people on a beautiful Saturday...
Saudi'89 squad showed a lot of character, team spirit, grit, passion, fire, emotion and all worked well together despite their limitations to go very far in the tournament. Nobody gave them an ounce of chance before they left home after the Chile'87 debacle people back then didn't forget things very easily (Saudi'89 Squad really changed a lot of people minds and turned them around in one game because people never forgave the Chile'87 squad after so much expectations and promise was put on that team only to dissapoint in the end)
Despite losing to Portugal in the final, people still regarded them as champions because of what they did with limited personal, players getting injured and many more...They were our heroes and will always be forever.
The highlight of the tournament for me was watching Ugbade playing with one leg and was still able to score that equalizer that tied the game 4-4 and also had to play through extra time with only one leg because we had used all our subs and there was no way we could take him out and they decided to leave him in the game till we PK's came around. After that he ruled out for the remainder of the tournament. We missed him after that.
The one thing I hate most sincerely is ingratitude.
This morning I woke up to the news that DD had resigned as coach of my beloved Juve. A few hours later, the board denied it and said they hadn't heard such a thing. Now it a few minutes after the 2-0 defeat of Mantova which has crowned us as Serie B champions, DD himself has confirmed that he has indeed resigned. The reason for his resignation is disagreements over transfer policy with some members of the club's hierarchy notably Alessio Secco. For crying out loud, DD was spot on. Why should we exchange Balzaretti and Marchionni for Pasquale? That is about the silliest suggestion I've heard this year in any field of human endeavour!
Personally, I'm so upset by the way that DD has been undermined and disrespected over the last few weeks. This is not what Juventus is about, I'm in shock at his treatment. For crying out loud he is a Juventino through and through and came to our rescue when no other coach wanted to touch us with a long bean pole. Not only that, he did the business despite the handicap, and despite the fact that sometimes we the fans didn't agree with his selection policies. Then what is his reward? Some fucking amateur administrators undermine him and eventually drive him off. I hope Secco burns in hell.
Bon voyage in your next assignment DD. I wish you the best.
This morning I woke up to the news that DD had resigned as coach of my beloved Juve. A few hours later, the board denied it and said they hadn't heard such a thing. Now it a few minutes after the 2-0 defeat of Mantova which has crowned us as Serie B champions, DD himself has confirmed that he has indeed resigned. The reason for his resignation is disagreements over transfer policy with some members of the club's hierarchy notably Alessio Secco. For crying out loud, DD was spot on. Why should we exchange Balzaretti and Marchionni for Pasquale? That is about the silliest suggestion I've heard this year in any field of human endeavour!
Personally, I'm so upset by the way that DD has been undermined and disrespected over the last few weeks. This is not what Juventus is about, I'm in shock at his treatment. For crying out loud he is a Juventino through and through and came to our rescue when no other coach wanted to touch us with a long bean pole. Not only that, he did the business despite the handicap, and despite the fact that sometimes we the fans didn't agree with his selection policies. Then what is his reward? Some fucking amateur administrators undermine him and eventually drive him off. I hope Secco burns in hell.
Bon voyage in your next assignment DD. I wish you the best.
int:
Source
On this day exactly forty years ago, the Eastern region of Nigeria under the leadership of Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu declared itself independent and called the new country the Republic of Biafra. This action led to the Nigerian Civil War (or Biafran War depending on who you are speaking with) a little over a month later. The war eventually ended two and a half years later with the defeat of the secessionists, and the re absorption of the East into Nigeria.
It is impossible to talk about the reasons for secession without looking at the causes of the secession, both immediate and remote.
Like most other non-European countries, Nigeria is a European creation, the borders being roughly defined (in the case of African states) during the Berlin conference of 1884. The area which was placed under the British sphere of influence during that conference was eventually amalgamated 30 years later to form the modern country of Nigeria. Like almost all the newly formed 'nations' of the time, the people within those newly created borders were not consulted in the matter, and as a result people of widely varying beliefs (and more importantly IMHO, loyalties) were lumped together and called (in our case) Nigerians.
One of these groups that was put in this new nation was the Igbo.
Prior to the coming of the British, Igbo political organization was based on communities, devoid of kings or governing chiefs. With the exception of Onitsha and Agbor, which had kings called Obi, Nri and Arochukwu, which had Ezes, and Ahaba (modern day Asaba) which had Asagba, most Igbo village governments were ruled solely by an assembly of the older and/or titled men. These communities to a large extent functioned independently of each other with the notable exception of the Aro who had a kingdom.
The arrival of the British in the latter half of the 19th century led to increased encounters between the Igbo and other future Nigerians, and it led to a deepening sense of a distinct Igbo ethnic identity. The Igbo out of all Nigerian ethnic groups proved remarkably quick and enthusiastic in their embrace of Christianity and Western education. Many Igbo emigrated out of the traditional Igbo homeland in what had become known as South-Eastern Nigeria due to a growing population and decreasing land, and they moved to other parts of the young country, and prospered. However, due to British colonial divide and rule tactics, the diversity within each of Nigeria's major ethnic groups slowly decreased, and distinctions, distrust and bickering between the larger ethnic groups (Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) became sharper. You see, Nigeria was only amalgamated in name, but each region was kept distinct, both in administration, and in the rate of development both structural and educational.
These divisions were expressed with violence under the British in 1933 and 1954, both spells had Igbos as the main victims. However, Igbos continued living in their host communities, and prospering.
Nigeria attained independence from the Brits in 1960, and the regional system left by the British remained intact. There were three regions centred around the 'big three' ethnic groups, the Western region in Yorubaland, the Northern region in Hausaland, and the Eastern region in Igboland. It is pertinent to note here that Igbo people west of the River Niger (Agbor to Asaba; Akwukwu to Obiaruku) were placed in the West (and later Midwest in 1964).
According to every attempt ever made at counting the people in Nigeria (1912, 1933, 1946, 1962, 1973, 1991, 2006) the largest ethnic group is the largely Muslim Hausa in the north, and since 1962 the Hausa being more numerous has been a matter of dispute. The figures also say that the Yoruba are the second largest group in number, followed by the Igbo. As at independence a conservative political alliance had been made between the leading Hausa and Igbo political parties, which ruled Nigeria from 1960 to 1966. This alliance excluded the mainstream Yoruba parties under Awolowo. To many outsiders, Igbo people were considered to be the main beneficiaries of this alliance, taking most of the top jobs and leading business opportunities in the Nigerian federation.
Awolowo's Action Group, was more inclined to the left, and was antipathetic to the conservatives in the North. However, there was a conservative group in the West led by S. Akintola which was prepared to deal with the North. This new political alliance would have excluded the East from power, and threatened to roll back the gains of the Igbo elite.
The elections of 1965 saw the Nigerian National Alliance of the Muslim north and the conservative elements in the west, face off against the United Progressive Grand Alliance of the Christian east and the progressive elements among the westerners. The Alliance of North and West won a crushing victory under Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, amid claims of widespread electoral fraud. Many newspapers and election observers reported incidents in which millions of cattle, goats and sheep voted for the Northern candidates
It was in this charged scenario that the military intervened. In 1966, there were two military coups in Nigeria. The first one (January 15), heralded the age of the Nigerian military in politics, and was orchestrated by six Army officers: Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emma Ifeajuna, Chris Anuforo, Wale Ademoyega, Timothy Onwutuegwu, and Donatus Okafor. There is speculation until this day as to the motives of the plotters, while scholars agree that Nzeogwu, Anuforo and Ademoyega were genuine nationalists (in Nigeria's case, this means detribalised men), the motives of Ifeajuna and Okafor are still shrouded in mystery. What is clear however, is that of the six plotters, only one (Ademoyega) was not Igbo, and going through a list of their victims, there was only one Igbo man (Lt. Col. A. Unegbe) killed. The North lost the core of its political elite (Tafawa Balewa and Ahmadu Bello), and some of their best military officers (Zakariya Maimalari, Kur Mohammed, Abogo Largema and James Pam), while the West lost its leading politician at the time (Samuel Akintola), and some officers (Sam Ademulegun and Ralph Sodeinde). This list of people killed is by no means exhaustive, but I must point out that four people who were on the list to die that day somehow escaped, and they are Nnamdi Azikiwe (who 'conveniently' left Nigeria two days before), Michael Opara, Dennis Osadebe and J.T. Aguiyi-Ironsi. They were all Igbo.
At this point, I must state that I do not believe that the coup of January 15, 1966 was meant to be an Igbo coup, and there is ample evidence that proves that of all Nigeria's coups it was the most nationalist in outlook, and didn't promote any group's interests over those of any other. Sadly however, it was poorly executed by those who were detailed to execute it in the South, and from that moment on the fates of millions of people was sealed.
Naturally, the North felt that it had been shafted, and began to make plans for revenge, a revenge which they took in more measures than one when the pogroms started in May 1966, and eventually the counter coup of July 29, 1966. Up to 30 000 Igbos were killed during those pogroms which lead to a massive return of people to the East. The majority of Igbo officers in the Army were killed as well, and that list included Aguiyi-Ironsi. Unlike the coup of January, most of the officers killed here were simply shot out of hand because they happened to be Igbo.
This state of ethnic tension persisted for months despite numerous efforts at negotiations. It must be stated here, that in July of 1966, the Northern coup plotters (Murtala Mohammed and Theophilus Danjuma) had intended to take the North out of the Nigerian union upon the successful completion of their coup. They only remained in Nigeria at the behest of the British High Commissioner at the time, David Hunt. Some feel that the British felt that a Nigeria constantly plagued with internal turmoil would be easier to control that separate. 'stronger' nations. However, the fact that the new Head of State of Nigeria, Yakubu Gowon, and Emeka Ojukwu, the military governor of the Eastern region didn't see eye to eye on a lot of issues, and the fact that Igbos were simply not safe in other parts of Nigeria (especially in the North) at the time, then the discovery of large quantities of oil in the Delta region of the East, placed a lot of pressure on Ojukwu to declare a separate republic. Ojukwu had Federal Government property and funds in the East seized. This and other reports convinced the Federal side of Ojukwu's intention to secede. Gowon then imposed a total blockade of the East. It was realized that more stringent action had to be taken to weaken support for Ojukwu and to forestall his secession bid. Short of military action at that time, creation of States by decree was the only weapon ready to hand. The initial plan was to create States in the Eastern Region only. Such action was considered impolitic and fraught with danger, so 12 States were created throughout the country on 27 May 1967.
The Eastern Region was divided into three states. The reaction from Enugu was sharp and quick: the declaration of Eastern Nigeria as the independent sovereign state of "Biafra" on 30 May 1967. The month of June was used by both sides to prepare for war.
On July 6, war began.
Both sides were totally unprepared for what was to come. This was the foremost lesson at the start of the war. On the Federal side, there was no comprehension of the paranoia which encompassed the Igbo being at the time (and in a lot of cases, since then). Gowon expected a 'police action' whereby the rebellious Biafrans would be surrounded and isolated from the world; then Biafran resistance would quickly fade and Federal victory would be rapid.
Federal troops advanced in two columns into Biafra. The left-hand column made for Gakem, which was captured on July 12, while the right-hand column advanced on Nsukka which fell on July 14, placing the Biafran capital, Enugu under direct threat.
In an attempt to relieve the Enugu sector, the Biafrans launched an offensive of their own. At dawn on August 9, a Biafran brigade moved west into the Midwest state, passing through Benin City to reach Ore in modern day Ondo state by August 21. This attack was a breach of the agreed neutrality of the Midwest as agreed at the Aburi meetings of the year before, and reports of Biafran highhandedness in treating non-Igbo Midwesterners effectively turned all the ethnic groups of what is today Nigeria's South-South against the Igbos. Benin City was retaken by the Federals on September 22, and the first Federal troops arrived at the Igbo speaking parts of the Midwest the next day. By October 7 1967, the Federal troops had captured Asaba, the last Igbo speaking town bordering the Eastern region, and under the command of Francis Aiyisida massacred the male population of the town. The Federal troops didn't cross into Biafra itself from the River Niger until after three attempts. Meanwhile Enugu had fallen to the Federal Government on October 4, 1967. The Biafrans continued to resist in their core Igbo heartlands, which were soon surrounded by Nigerian forces.
From that point on, the war settled down to a period of siege. Biafra was blockaded. 'Proper' military campaigns resumed with amphibious landings by the 3 Marine Commando division of the Nigerian Army in April 1968 which captured the Niger Delta towns of Bonny, Okrika and Port Harcourt by the end of July 1968. The siege of Biafra led to a humanitarian disaster when it emerged that there was widespread civilian hunger and starvation in the besieged Igbo areas. Images of starving Biafran children went around the world. The Biafran government claimed that Nigeria was using hunger and genocide to win the war, and sought aid from the outside world. While there is no doubt that starvation did indeed occurr, it is not clear to what extent it was a result of the Nigerian blockade or the restriction of food to the civilians (to make it available to the military) by the Biafran government, or by Ojukwu's refusal to allow relief agencies bring in food via Northern Nigeria.
Throughout 1968 and into 1969, logistical difficulties kept the Nigerian federal forces from finishing off the war that was effectively in their favour. Some of the Nigerian Army's best officers had been Igbo and were killed during the upheavals of 1966, or early in the war. Despite the foreign aid and the political harm done to Nigeria, the area controlled by the Biafran government grew smaller and smaller. In June 1969, the Biafrans launched a desperate offensive against the Nigerians in their attempts to keep the Nigerians off-balance and prolong life for their separatist nation as long as possible.
The Federal forces launched their final offensive against the Biafrans on December 23, 1969 with a major thrust by the 3 Marine Commando Division which succeeded in splitting the Biafran enclave into two by the end of the year. The final Nigerian offensive was launched on January 7, 1970 with 3 Marine Commando Division attacking, and supported by the 1st Infantry division to the north and the 2nd Infantry division to the south. Owerri fell on January 9, and Uli fell on January 11. The war finally ended with the final surrender of the Biafran forces in the last Biafra-held town of Amichi on January 13, 1970. On January 12, Ojukwu fled into exile in the Ivory Coast, leaving his deputy Philip Effiong to handle the details of the surrender to Olusegun Obasanjo who was at the time the commander of 3 Marine Commando.
To the surprise of many in the outside world, most of the threatened reprisals and massacres proclaimed by Ojukwu and the Biafran and international media did not occur, and genuine attempts were made at reconciliation.
From my point of view, the progression of the war highlights a lot of the failings within the Biafran state, the biggest of which was the failure to carry the other ethnic groups within the area. This high handed attitude on the part of the Igbo alienated the very people who border them on all parts and hastened the eventual collapse of Biafra. The creation of states in May 1967, was a master stroke by the Federal government which effectively gave the 'minorities' something they had been yearning for, and Ojukwu's government in Enugu failed to take this into consideration. They were undermined from the flanks from day one.
One of the muddier aspects of the war remains the massacres of civilian populations: by the Biafrans at Urhonigbe in modern day Edo state, and by the Federal troops at Asaba, Onitsha, Ihiala and Ogba. Some of the perpetrators of those massacres are still alive today, and the Nigerian government has never acknowledged that they happened. The man in command at Asaba was Francis Aiyisida. This one is personal for Chxta because Chxta's mother lost her father and three brothers in that massacre.
The Nigerian civil war as fought on the Biafran side is to me a genuine example of a failure of leadership, which has sadly characterised the Nigerian state until this day. In a lot of Biafran operations, the right people weren't selected for the job, and this despite the fact that at the initial stages of the war, the Biafrans had a larger number of better trained officers. Also I find it difficult to understand how people in Eastern Nigeria till this day see Ojukwu as a hero. Here is a man who undermined Hilary Njoku, a more senior officer. He opened a new front in the Midwest when the Biafran Army hopelessly under trained and under equipped could have no hope of coping. That singular action effectively turned whatever sympathetic elements Igbos had in the rest of Nigeria against us. He sent an excellent officer, Nzeogwu, to defend a hopeless position at Nsukka, which ended (as was obvious) in Nzeogwu's death. He had another excellent officer, Onwutuegwu basically mothballed in the Obudu area. He placed Victor Banjo (a Yoruba) in charge of the invasion of the Midwest, an invasion whose aim was to drive to Lagos. Banjo lost interest in the invasion the moment they got to Yorubaland. He had Banjo, Ifeajuna, Alale and Agbam executed for 'sabotage' because they failed to hold the Midwest, while forgetting that he abandoned Enugu (and all the other Biafran capitals until the end of the war). He refused to allow aid through to Biafra's starving populace even after the Federal government agreed to open an aid corridor in the North. His reason: they would poison the food! Finally, after taking off for exile in order to save his own skin, he made an inflammatory speech, the predictions of genocide in that speech thankfully didn't come to pass.
Both sides have a share of responsibility for the mutual distrust that led to this unfortunate war with its unnecessary waste of human life, but in the end, one of the vehicles that made the war last as long as it did was the lack of communication between both sides, which in its turn led to a breakdown in talks that could have prevented the war in the first place. Igbo arrogance, Hausa bloodlust, Yoruba treachery and minority envy are stereotypes which persist till this day, and their persistence if handled wrongly can bring about another war. That must never happen.
We would be doing a great injustice if we forget the souls on both sides that perished during the Nigerian upheaval on 1966 to 1970, and the people who have perished in all other ethno-religious motivated violence throughout our history as a country.
May such a thing never happen again.
May they all rest in peace.
On this day exactly forty years ago, the Eastern region of Nigeria under the leadership of Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu declared itself independent and called the new country the Republic of Biafra. This action led to the Nigerian Civil War (or Biafran War depending on who you are speaking with) a little over a month later. The war eventually ended two and a half years later with the defeat of the secessionists, and the re absorption of the East into Nigeria.
It is impossible to talk about the reasons for secession without looking at the causes of the secession, both immediate and remote.
Like most other non-European countries, Nigeria is a European creation, the borders being roughly defined (in the case of African states) during the Berlin conference of 1884. The area which was placed under the British sphere of influence during that conference was eventually amalgamated 30 years later to form the modern country of Nigeria. Like almost all the newly formed 'nations' of the time, the people within those newly created borders were not consulted in the matter, and as a result people of widely varying beliefs (and more importantly IMHO, loyalties) were lumped together and called (in our case) Nigerians.
One of these groups that was put in this new nation was the Igbo.
Prior to the coming of the British, Igbo political organization was based on communities, devoid of kings or governing chiefs. With the exception of Onitsha and Agbor, which had kings called Obi, Nri and Arochukwu, which had Ezes, and Ahaba (modern day Asaba) which had Asagba, most Igbo village governments were ruled solely by an assembly of the older and/or titled men. These communities to a large extent functioned independently of each other with the notable exception of the Aro who had a kingdom.
The arrival of the British in the latter half of the 19th century led to increased encounters between the Igbo and other future Nigerians, and it led to a deepening sense of a distinct Igbo ethnic identity. The Igbo out of all Nigerian ethnic groups proved remarkably quick and enthusiastic in their embrace of Christianity and Western education. Many Igbo emigrated out of the traditional Igbo homeland in what had become known as South-Eastern Nigeria due to a growing population and decreasing land, and they moved to other parts of the young country, and prospered. However, due to British colonial divide and rule tactics, the diversity within each of Nigeria's major ethnic groups slowly decreased, and distinctions, distrust and bickering between the larger ethnic groups (Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) became sharper. You see, Nigeria was only amalgamated in name, but each region was kept distinct, both in administration, and in the rate of development both structural and educational.
These divisions were expressed with violence under the British in 1933 and 1954, both spells had Igbos as the main victims. However, Igbos continued living in their host communities, and prospering.
Nigeria attained independence from the Brits in 1960, and the regional system left by the British remained intact. There were three regions centred around the 'big three' ethnic groups, the Western region in Yorubaland, the Northern region in Hausaland, and the Eastern region in Igboland. It is pertinent to note here that Igbo people west of the River Niger (Agbor to Asaba; Akwukwu to Obiaruku) were placed in the West (and later Midwest in 1964).
According to every attempt ever made at counting the people in Nigeria (1912, 1933, 1946, 1962, 1973, 1991, 2006) the largest ethnic group is the largely Muslim Hausa in the north, and since 1962 the Hausa being more numerous has been a matter of dispute. The figures also say that the Yoruba are the second largest group in number, followed by the Igbo. As at independence a conservative political alliance had been made between the leading Hausa and Igbo political parties, which ruled Nigeria from 1960 to 1966. This alliance excluded the mainstream Yoruba parties under Awolowo. To many outsiders, Igbo people were considered to be the main beneficiaries of this alliance, taking most of the top jobs and leading business opportunities in the Nigerian federation.
Awolowo's Action Group, was more inclined to the left, and was antipathetic to the conservatives in the North. However, there was a conservative group in the West led by S. Akintola which was prepared to deal with the North. This new political alliance would have excluded the East from power, and threatened to roll back the gains of the Igbo elite.
The elections of 1965 saw the Nigerian National Alliance of the Muslim north and the conservative elements in the west, face off against the United Progressive Grand Alliance of the Christian east and the progressive elements among the westerners. The Alliance of North and West won a crushing victory under Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, amid claims of widespread electoral fraud. Many newspapers and election observers reported incidents in which millions of cattle, goats and sheep voted for the Northern candidates
It was in this charged scenario that the military intervened. In 1966, there were two military coups in Nigeria. The first one (January 15), heralded the age of the Nigerian military in politics, and was orchestrated by six Army officers: Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emma Ifeajuna, Chris Anuforo, Wale Ademoyega, Timothy Onwutuegwu, and Donatus Okafor. There is speculation until this day as to the motives of the plotters, while scholars agree that Nzeogwu, Anuforo and Ademoyega were genuine nationalists (in Nigeria's case, this means detribalised men), the motives of Ifeajuna and Okafor are still shrouded in mystery. What is clear however, is that of the six plotters, only one (Ademoyega) was not Igbo, and going through a list of their victims, there was only one Igbo man (Lt. Col. A. Unegbe) killed. The North lost the core of its political elite (Tafawa Balewa and Ahmadu Bello), and some of their best military officers (Zakariya Maimalari, Kur Mohammed, Abogo Largema and James Pam), while the West lost its leading politician at the time (Samuel Akintola), and some officers (Sam Ademulegun and Ralph Sodeinde). This list of people killed is by no means exhaustive, but I must point out that four people who were on the list to die that day somehow escaped, and they are Nnamdi Azikiwe (who 'conveniently' left Nigeria two days before), Michael Opara, Dennis Osadebe and J.T. Aguiyi-Ironsi. They were all Igbo.
At this point, I must state that I do not believe that the coup of January 15, 1966 was meant to be an Igbo coup, and there is ample evidence that proves that of all Nigeria's coups it was the most nationalist in outlook, and didn't promote any group's interests over those of any other. Sadly however, it was poorly executed by those who were detailed to execute it in the South, and from that moment on the fates of millions of people was sealed.
Naturally, the North felt that it had been shafted, and began to make plans for revenge, a revenge which they took in more measures than one when the pogroms started in May 1966, and eventually the counter coup of July 29, 1966. Up to 30 000 Igbos were killed during those pogroms which lead to a massive return of people to the East. The majority of Igbo officers in the Army were killed as well, and that list included Aguiyi-Ironsi. Unlike the coup of January, most of the officers killed here were simply shot out of hand because they happened to be Igbo.
This state of ethnic tension persisted for months despite numerous efforts at negotiations. It must be stated here, that in July of 1966, the Northern coup plotters (Murtala Mohammed and Theophilus Danjuma) had intended to take the North out of the Nigerian union upon the successful completion of their coup. They only remained in Nigeria at the behest of the British High Commissioner at the time, David Hunt. Some feel that the British felt that a Nigeria constantly plagued with internal turmoil would be easier to control that separate. 'stronger' nations. However, the fact that the new Head of State of Nigeria, Yakubu Gowon, and Emeka Ojukwu, the military governor of the Eastern region didn't see eye to eye on a lot of issues, and the fact that Igbos were simply not safe in other parts of Nigeria (especially in the North) at the time, then the discovery of large quantities of oil in the Delta region of the East, placed a lot of pressure on Ojukwu to declare a separate republic. Ojukwu had Federal Government property and funds in the East seized. This and other reports convinced the Federal side of Ojukwu's intention to secede. Gowon then imposed a total blockade of the East. It was realized that more stringent action had to be taken to weaken support for Ojukwu and to forestall his secession bid. Short of military action at that time, creation of States by decree was the only weapon ready to hand. The initial plan was to create States in the Eastern Region only. Such action was considered impolitic and fraught with danger, so 12 States were created throughout the country on 27 May 1967.
The Eastern Region was divided into three states. The reaction from Enugu was sharp and quick: the declaration of Eastern Nigeria as the independent sovereign state of "Biafra" on 30 May 1967. The month of June was used by both sides to prepare for war.
On July 6, war began.
Both sides were totally unprepared for what was to come. This was the foremost lesson at the start of the war. On the Federal side, there was no comprehension of the paranoia which encompassed the Igbo being at the time (and in a lot of cases, since then). Gowon expected a 'police action' whereby the rebellious Biafrans would be surrounded and isolated from the world; then Biafran resistance would quickly fade and Federal victory would be rapid.
Federal troops advanced in two columns into Biafra. The left-hand column made for Gakem, which was captured on July 12, while the right-hand column advanced on Nsukka which fell on July 14, placing the Biafran capital, Enugu under direct threat.
In an attempt to relieve the Enugu sector, the Biafrans launched an offensive of their own. At dawn on August 9, a Biafran brigade moved west into the Midwest state, passing through Benin City to reach Ore in modern day Ondo state by August 21. This attack was a breach of the agreed neutrality of the Midwest as agreed at the Aburi meetings of the year before, and reports of Biafran highhandedness in treating non-Igbo Midwesterners effectively turned all the ethnic groups of what is today Nigeria's South-South against the Igbos. Benin City was retaken by the Federals on September 22, and the first Federal troops arrived at the Igbo speaking parts of the Midwest the next day. By October 7 1967, the Federal troops had captured Asaba, the last Igbo speaking town bordering the Eastern region, and under the command of Francis Aiyisida massacred the male population of the town. The Federal troops didn't cross into Biafra itself from the River Niger until after three attempts. Meanwhile Enugu had fallen to the Federal Government on October 4, 1967. The Biafrans continued to resist in their core Igbo heartlands, which were soon surrounded by Nigerian forces.
From that point on, the war settled down to a period of siege. Biafra was blockaded. 'Proper' military campaigns resumed with amphibious landings by the 3 Marine Commando division of the Nigerian Army in April 1968 which captured the Niger Delta towns of Bonny, Okrika and Port Harcourt by the end of July 1968. The siege of Biafra led to a humanitarian disaster when it emerged that there was widespread civilian hunger and starvation in the besieged Igbo areas. Images of starving Biafran children went around the world. The Biafran government claimed that Nigeria was using hunger and genocide to win the war, and sought aid from the outside world. While there is no doubt that starvation did indeed occurr, it is not clear to what extent it was a result of the Nigerian blockade or the restriction of food to the civilians (to make it available to the military) by the Biafran government, or by Ojukwu's refusal to allow relief agencies bring in food via Northern Nigeria.
Throughout 1968 and into 1969, logistical difficulties kept the Nigerian federal forces from finishing off the war that was effectively in their favour. Some of the Nigerian Army's best officers had been Igbo and were killed during the upheavals of 1966, or early in the war. Despite the foreign aid and the political harm done to Nigeria, the area controlled by the Biafran government grew smaller and smaller. In June 1969, the Biafrans launched a desperate offensive against the Nigerians in their attempts to keep the Nigerians off-balance and prolong life for their separatist nation as long as possible.
The Federal forces launched their final offensive against the Biafrans on December 23, 1969 with a major thrust by the 3 Marine Commando Division which succeeded in splitting the Biafran enclave into two by the end of the year. The final Nigerian offensive was launched on January 7, 1970 with 3 Marine Commando Division attacking, and supported by the 1st Infantry division to the north and the 2nd Infantry division to the south. Owerri fell on January 9, and Uli fell on January 11. The war finally ended with the final surrender of the Biafran forces in the last Biafra-held town of Amichi on January 13, 1970. On January 12, Ojukwu fled into exile in the Ivory Coast, leaving his deputy Philip Effiong to handle the details of the surrender to Olusegun Obasanjo who was at the time the commander of 3 Marine Commando.
To the surprise of many in the outside world, most of the threatened reprisals and massacres proclaimed by Ojukwu and the Biafran and international media did not occur, and genuine attempts were made at reconciliation.
From my point of view, the progression of the war highlights a lot of the failings within the Biafran state, the biggest of which was the failure to carry the other ethnic groups within the area. This high handed attitude on the part of the Igbo alienated the very people who border them on all parts and hastened the eventual collapse of Biafra. The creation of states in May 1967, was a master stroke by the Federal government which effectively gave the 'minorities' something they had been yearning for, and Ojukwu's government in Enugu failed to take this into consideration. They were undermined from the flanks from day one.
One of the muddier aspects of the war remains the massacres of civilian populations: by the Biafrans at Urhonigbe in modern day Edo state, and by the Federal troops at Asaba, Onitsha, Ihiala and Ogba. Some of the perpetrators of those massacres are still alive today, and the Nigerian government has never acknowledged that they happened. The man in command at Asaba was Francis Aiyisida. This one is personal for Chxta because Chxta's mother lost her father and three brothers in that massacre.
The Nigerian civil war as fought on the Biafran side is to me a genuine example of a failure of leadership, which has sadly characterised the Nigerian state until this day. In a lot of Biafran operations, the right people weren't selected for the job, and this despite the fact that at the initial stages of the war, the Biafrans had a larger number of better trained officers. Also I find it difficult to understand how people in Eastern Nigeria till this day see Ojukwu as a hero. Here is a man who undermined Hilary Njoku, a more senior officer. He opened a new front in the Midwest when the Biafran Army hopelessly under trained and under equipped could have no hope of coping. That singular action effectively turned whatever sympathetic elements Igbos had in the rest of Nigeria against us. He sent an excellent officer, Nzeogwu, to defend a hopeless position at Nsukka, which ended (as was obvious) in Nzeogwu's death. He had another excellent officer, Onwutuegwu basically mothballed in the Obudu area. He placed Victor Banjo (a Yoruba) in charge of the invasion of the Midwest, an invasion whose aim was to drive to Lagos. Banjo lost interest in the invasion the moment they got to Yorubaland. He had Banjo, Ifeajuna, Alale and Agbam executed for 'sabotage' because they failed to hold the Midwest, while forgetting that he abandoned Enugu (and all the other Biafran capitals until the end of the war). He refused to allow aid through to Biafra's starving populace even after the Federal government agreed to open an aid corridor in the North. His reason: they would poison the food! Finally, after taking off for exile in order to save his own skin, he made an inflammatory speech, the predictions of genocide in that speech thankfully didn't come to pass.
Both sides have a share of responsibility for the mutual distrust that led to this unfortunate war with its unnecessary waste of human life, but in the end, one of the vehicles that made the war last as long as it did was the lack of communication between both sides, which in its turn led to a breakdown in talks that could have prevented the war in the first place. Igbo arrogance, Hausa bloodlust, Yoruba treachery and minority envy are stereotypes which persist till this day, and their persistence if handled wrongly can bring about another war. That must never happen.
We would be doing a great injustice if we forget the souls on both sides that perished during the Nigerian upheaval on 1966 to 1970, and the people who have perished in all other ethno-religious motivated violence throughout our history as a country.
May such a thing never happen again.
May they all rest in peace.
no, Chxta didn't go to France, Chxta can't afford it at the moment, but definitely someday Chxta will be peering on the Mona Lisa from the Louvre.
Chxta is referring to the media circus surrounding the release of American heiress Paris Hilton from jail earlier today. Ordinarily, Chxta wouldn't talk about this issue because the girl probably has never heard of Chxta (probably hasn't even heard of Naija, yes, she strikes me as that dim!), but more importantly because not talking about it in Chxta's own little way deprives her of the attention that she so desperately craves. It is Chxta's opinion that this entire thing is nothing more than a major publicity stunt, and keep your fingers crossed for her book out soon to a store near you.
Chxta decided to talk about this travesty fleetingly because it reminded Chxta of a programme Chxta saw on CNN some years back (before I finally divorced those people), about dual justice systems in America, one for the super rich, and one for everyone else. This case has only gone to show off that thing for everyone to see. The truth though is this: there are people in all parts of the world who are above the law by virtue of their wealth and position (Lord Lucan springs to mind because were he a commoner, the Police would still be looking for him today). What is 'pathetic' about this case is that the Amis love to tell the rest of us that they are the guardian light of democracy and justice.
Recommended listening: Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous by Good Charlotte.
Hmm. What do those terms democracy and justice really mean?
Now picture this: a 26 year old Charlene Landon (I've never heard of her either) is put on probation for a driving offence, and violates the terms of her probation. Would she be sent to prison for just 45 days? Would her prison sentence be cut by half before she even steps in the cell? Then would she be released to go to her parent's home in South-Central Chicago after a mere 72 hours (or less) in jail even if she develops brucellosis?
Chxta is done on this issue.
Chxta is referring to the media circus surrounding the release of American heiress Paris Hilton from jail earlier today. Ordinarily, Chxta wouldn't talk about this issue because the girl probably has never heard of Chxta (probably hasn't even heard of Naija, yes, she strikes me as that dim!), but more importantly because not talking about it in Chxta's own little way deprives her of the attention that she so desperately craves. It is Chxta's opinion that this entire thing is nothing more than a major publicity stunt, and keep your fingers crossed for her book out soon to a store near you.
Chxta decided to talk about this travesty fleetingly because it reminded Chxta of a programme Chxta saw on CNN some years back (before I finally divorced those people), about dual justice systems in America, one for the super rich, and one for everyone else. This case has only gone to show off that thing for everyone to see. The truth though is this: there are people in all parts of the world who are above the law by virtue of their wealth and position (Lord Lucan springs to mind because were he a commoner, the Police would still be looking for him today). What is 'pathetic' about this case is that the Amis love to tell the rest of us that they are the guardian light of democracy and justice.
Recommended listening: Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous by Good Charlotte.
Hmm. What do those terms democracy and justice really mean?
Now picture this: a 26 year old Charlene Landon (I've never heard of her either) is put on probation for a driving offence, and violates the terms of her probation. Would she be sent to prison for just 45 days? Would her prison sentence be cut by half before she even steps in the cell? Then would she be released to go to her parent's home in South-Central Chicago after a mere 72 hours (or less) in jail even if she develops brucellosis?
Chxta is done on this issue.
So we are back in Serie A, and with a new manager to boot. Now don't get me wrong, Claudio Ranieri is a nice guy, and I am satisfied with the appointment because his track record first at Valencia, then at Chelsea have shown that he is quite adept at building a team.
It was the feat he achieved at Cagliari that made his name for him as the guided them to Serie A from Serie C1 in successive seasons. Fast forward the hands of the clock, and he was actually the one who built that Valencia team that played such wonderfully excquisite football back in the early part of this decade. He it was, who was responsible for those moves that saw three touch goals, Mendieta, Kily and Claudio Lopez, it was he who brought them. Hector Cuper who would later claim much of the glory (but never actually won anything), just added a defensive steel that Ranieri didn't put.
Ranieri it was, that built Chelsea, from those initial cash strapped days under Ken Bates to when they became ¢h€£$k¥ with the Abramovich take over. The core of the current ¢h€£$k¥ squad, Lampard, Terry, Makalele, Robben and Cech were either bought by him (or nutured in Terry's case). However, like in Valencia, he was rather unfortunate that the management were a little impatient with him. In my opinion, Moanin-ho just came over and completed another man's good work then took all the glory.
We must remember that Chelsea actually improved their point haul in each successive season of Ranieri's reign!
With all this in mind, I am not afraid for Juve's future under the man who some people derisively refer to as the Tinkerman (remember they call Rafa Benitez that as well?).
You see, Juve actually needs to be rebuilt, and there aren't too many out there that would do a better job than the new man at the helm. I must once again reiterate that I'd have preferred DD to be the man since he successfully navigated the shark infested waters that is Serie B minus 17 points, but as the saying goes, if wishes were horses...
What I am afraid of is pictures like this one.
Yesterday the Serie B season came to a close. Our home record for the season was finally disvirgined as Spezia collected a 2-3 win which enabled them to survive another season in Serie B. However, the talk that is surrounding that game is actually about that gesture, aimed at the board by Trez.
That gesture essentially said, "Adieu you fuckers, I'm outta here!"
Now I have not been overly impressed with Trez and his contribution this season, especially given that he made it clear at the beginning of the season that he was unhappy to stay in Serie B, but stay he did, and he did score some vital goals that enabled us return at first attempt.
Now Trez is a nice guy, calm and collected, and not given to emotional outbursts like Camo for example, so it tells you a lot that he did that after scoring a goal in yesterday's game. And the reason is that he feels that the board aren't treating him right. Remember why DD resigned not quite two weeks back?
And that is what is getting me scared. What kind of humans do we have sitting on that board? Would Ranieri be given a chance to do his job next term without undue interference? Is Juve going to become like ¢h€£$k¥ in being the ultimate symbol of a football club being a corporation and seeing its staff (management and players) as nothing more than tools in the pursuit of on the field success? If that is the case, curses be on them.
For the avoidance of doubt, Juve is historically the most human club in Italy, that is why our fan base is made up of the Italian working class. Short term success in football doesn't win you fans. Never has, never will.
Forza Juve per sempre.
It was the feat he achieved at Cagliari that made his name for him as the guided them to Serie A from Serie C1 in successive seasons. Fast forward the hands of the clock, and he was actually the one who built that Valencia team that played such wonderfully excquisite football back in the early part of this decade. He it was, who was responsible for those moves that saw three touch goals, Mendieta, Kily and Claudio Lopez, it was he who brought them. Hector Cuper who would later claim much of the glory (but never actually won anything), just added a defensive steel that Ranieri didn't put.
Ranieri it was, that built Chelsea, from those initial cash strapped days under Ken Bates to when they became ¢h€£$k¥ with the Abramovich take over. The core of the current ¢h€£$k¥ squad, Lampard, Terry, Makalele, Robben and Cech were either bought by him (or nutured in Terry's case). However, like in Valencia, he was rather unfortunate that the management were a little impatient with him. In my opinion, Moanin-ho just came over and completed another man's good work then took all the glory.
We must remember that Chelsea actually improved their point haul in each successive season of Ranieri's reign!
With all this in mind, I am not afraid for Juve's future under the man who some people derisively refer to as the Tinkerman (remember they call Rafa Benitez that as well?).
You see, Juve actually needs to be rebuilt, and there aren't too many out there that would do a better job than the new man at the helm. I must once again reiterate that I'd have preferred DD to be the man since he successfully navigated the shark infested waters that is Serie B minus 17 points, but as the saying goes, if wishes were horses...
What I am afraid of is pictures like this one.
Yesterday the Serie B season came to a close. Our home record for the season was finally disvirgined as Spezia collected a 2-3 win which enabled them to survive another season in Serie B. However, the talk that is surrounding that game is actually about that gesture, aimed at the board by Trez.
That gesture essentially said, "Adieu you fuckers, I'm outta here!"
Now I have not been overly impressed with Trez and his contribution this season, especially given that he made it clear at the beginning of the season that he was unhappy to stay in Serie B, but stay he did, and he did score some vital goals that enabled us return at first attempt.
Now Trez is a nice guy, calm and collected, and not given to emotional outbursts like Camo for example, so it tells you a lot that he did that after scoring a goal in yesterday's game. And the reason is that he feels that the board aren't treating him right. Remember why DD resigned not quite two weeks back?
And that is what is getting me scared. What kind of humans do we have sitting on that board? Would Ranieri be given a chance to do his job next term without undue interference? Is Juve going to become like ¢h€£$k¥ in being the ultimate symbol of a football club being a corporation and seeing its staff (management and players) as nothing more than tools in the pursuit of on the field success? If that is the case, curses be on them.
For the avoidance of doubt, Juve is historically the most human club in Italy, that is why our fan base is made up of the Italian working class. Short term success in football doesn't win you fans. Never has, never will.
Forza Juve per sempre.
A few days ago, I had an appointment that took me out of London. My uncle decided to drop me at the train station on his way to work, so of course I hopped in. In trying to avoid the serious case of traffic that occurred along the Streatham High Road that morning, we passed through an estate behind the Brixton Tube Station, Sommer Leyton Estate. For the first time in months I saw as many potholes on a given stretch of road (there's a pothole somewhere in Hendon, but it's only one on the road) as there are on Nnobi Road in Surulere. There were that many, and the ride reminded me of that trip between Nkpor and Obosi (okay, I'm exaggerating here...).
In any event, one thing I noticed (and I hate this fact) was that most of the people I saw swaying around that neighbourhood were black. My initial reaction was that the neighbourhood was abandoned because it is more or less a predominantly black neighbourhood, and I voiced that concern to my uncle. His response however, was more to the contrary. According to him, when things such as the roads or the plumbing go wrong in a white dominated neighbourhood, the estate managers would get absolutely no rest as a result of the complaints from the residents. Same way, when there is a rise in crime, the police would get no rest. But if it is a predominantly black neighbourhood, the reaction of the residents would be...silence. He went further to explain that estate managers, police, and social services in this part of the world are not actually as driven around the workplace as we make them out to be in our part of the world. His contention (and that estate serves as an example), is that they don't just walk around looking for problems to fix. However, when they are alerted to something, they get of their arses, and do their jobs. He would know you see, he is an estate manager.
In any event, eventually we got to the station from where I was to depart, I went to Maidenhead, did what I went there for, and returned to London that evening to hear some rather disturbing news. My cousin (he's 14) had been taken to hospital from school because some bugger broke his head. It wasn't a fight, it was an attack! The reason for the attack is irrelevant from my point of view, what matters to is this: young man gets attacked by someone who was in his class back in the day, the perpetrator is someone who had previously been in a detention home, the perpetrator is of African (not Nigerian thank God) parentage, the police came over to the school and arrested the boy (he attacked someone else that day as well).
The guy was released the next day because he already had a solicitor who advised him not to speak to the police (try that at Area F, Ikeja), so given that he has a right to remain silent, and my cousin was under intensive care in a hospital (he had to have an operation to save his eye), the police couldn't detain the young man longer than a specified period. He was released.
The next day, I didn't have anywhere to go, so I was at home, and guess who called? The perpetrator's aunt. She spoke to my cousin (the senior sis of the victim) because the parents weren't home. What did she call for? To apologise for her nephew's behaviour, and then to convince my people not to press charges because that is not how we do things back home. Bollocks.
I think this is part of the problem with the black community in the diaspora. We hear of shootings every now and then in areas like Brixton, and when the police come over to ask for witnesses, zip. There is this culture of silence that they think is cool, but in actuality helps no one. People like the perpetrator of this assault on my little cousin walk free thinking that they are invincible because no one would tell the police what actually happened. Take the Damilola Taylor case as an example. It took the police three years to get a satisfactory lead because of this stonewall. Same thing seems to be manifesting in the Michael Dosunmu case. No one seems to realise that the more you keep quiet, the more these jits would feel like they can do anything.
But then again, it is probably true that that is the way we do it back home, because even in Naija I can count off the top of my head so many occasions where something terrible happened, and no one bothered to talk. Instead we attempt to settle it ourselves. Some would say it is a family matter (thanks Obj).
In any event, my uncle and aunt want to do the right thing (in my opinion at least) and speak with the police. However, there is a little problem, their son. You see out here he has 'rights', and they can't force him to talk to the police. At the moment he's saying crap like 'I don't want to be a rat,' and 'We will get him ourselves'. Bollocks. Back home, a few strokes of a properly peppered koboko would sort him out. Out here, speaking to the police is his prerogative, and if he refuses to cooperate, there is nothing the parents can do, so the cycle would continue, as well as those potholes in Brixton...
In any event, one thing I noticed (and I hate this fact) was that most of the people I saw swaying around that neighbourhood were black. My initial reaction was that the neighbourhood was abandoned because it is more or less a predominantly black neighbourhood, and I voiced that concern to my uncle. His response however, was more to the contrary. According to him, when things such as the roads or the plumbing go wrong in a white dominated neighbourhood, the estate managers would get absolutely no rest as a result of the complaints from the residents. Same way, when there is a rise in crime, the police would get no rest. But if it is a predominantly black neighbourhood, the reaction of the residents would be...silence. He went further to explain that estate managers, police, and social services in this part of the world are not actually as driven around the workplace as we make them out to be in our part of the world. His contention (and that estate serves as an example), is that they don't just walk around looking for problems to fix. However, when they are alerted to something, they get of their arses, and do their jobs. He would know you see, he is an estate manager.
In any event, eventually we got to the station from where I was to depart, I went to Maidenhead, did what I went there for, and returned to London that evening to hear some rather disturbing news. My cousin (he's 14) had been taken to hospital from school because some bugger broke his head. It wasn't a fight, it was an attack! The reason for the attack is irrelevant from my point of view, what matters to is this: young man gets attacked by someone who was in his class back in the day, the perpetrator is someone who had previously been in a detention home, the perpetrator is of African (not Nigerian thank God) parentage, the police came over to the school and arrested the boy (he attacked someone else that day as well).
The guy was released the next day because he already had a solicitor who advised him not to speak to the police (try that at Area F, Ikeja), so given that he has a right to remain silent, and my cousin was under intensive care in a hospital (he had to have an operation to save his eye), the police couldn't detain the young man longer than a specified period. He was released.
The next day, I didn't have anywhere to go, so I was at home, and guess who called? The perpetrator's aunt. She spoke to my cousin (the senior sis of the victim) because the parents weren't home. What did she call for? To apologise for her nephew's behaviour, and then to convince my people not to press charges because that is not how we do things back home. Bollocks.
I think this is part of the problem with the black community in the diaspora. We hear of shootings every now and then in areas like Brixton, and when the police come over to ask for witnesses, zip. There is this culture of silence that they think is cool, but in actuality helps no one. People like the perpetrator of this assault on my little cousin walk free thinking that they are invincible because no one would tell the police what actually happened. Take the Damilola Taylor case as an example. It took the police three years to get a satisfactory lead because of this stonewall. Same thing seems to be manifesting in the Michael Dosunmu case. No one seems to realise that the more you keep quiet, the more these jits would feel like they can do anything.
But then again, it is probably true that that is the way we do it back home, because even in Naija I can count off the top of my head so many occasions where something terrible happened, and no one bothered to talk. Instead we attempt to settle it ourselves. Some would say it is a family matter (thanks Obj).
In any event, my uncle and aunt want to do the right thing (in my opinion at least) and speak with the police. However, there is a little problem, their son. You see out here he has 'rights', and they can't force him to talk to the police. At the moment he's saying crap like 'I don't want to be a rat,' and 'We will get him ourselves'. Bollocks. Back home, a few strokes of a properly peppered koboko would sort him out. Out here, speaking to the police is his prerogative, and if he refuses to cooperate, there is nothing the parents can do, so the cycle would continue, as well as those potholes in Brixton...
For the last few days I've been kinda multitasking, sleep during the morning, tour guide in the afternoon, applicant and researcher in the evening, and football fan at night. As I type this, I am watching Paraguay square up to Colombia in this year's Copa America, and I want to see Argentina take USA apart later on. The bets are on whether that would actually happen given that Mexico took Brazil apart yesterday.I ran into this article, so I guess I should also express my wishes for next season because I don't agree with him on some of his points...
The mercato has been good thus far, but I believe there are still some missing elements. I am certain that Camo and Neddy would continue playing next season with us. Taking that into account Ranieri already has a pretty decent side to choose from.
Looking at Ranieri, he has set the foundation for Valencia and Chelsea to become the great teams they are today. Granted he did not win any major championships with them he certainly created the backbone of those teams. He signed or developed for Valencia: Mendieta, Angulo, Albelda, Canizares and Claudio Lopez. As for Chelsea his influence and good taste in transfers developed players like Lampard, Gallas, Terry, Joe Cole, Makelele and Scott Parker. Needless to say many of these players today are stars and both those teams have a very respectable name in Europe. Ranieri has so far signed Almiron, Tiago and Iaquinta. Salihamidzic and Grygera were signed by the board during DD's reign. These players have already made a name for themselves and I am sure Ranieri will help them develop into even further as players.
As for young players Claudio Ranieri is an expert at helping them make their transition from potential to product. We already have players such as Giorgio Chiellini who is already a solid left back and is one to watch, Claudio Marchisio, the great Raffaelle Palladino, Marco Marchionni who I believe could be a great player, Cristian Molinaro, Nocerino and Criscito (the next Cannavaro). I am not too happy to see Giovinco go, but o well...
With all these names it is easy to believe that at least 2 or 3 of the young players will be mega-stars complementing our already great stars. With Trez's decision to stay, our forward line will include Alex, Trez, Iaquinta, Zala and Palladino (our next Zlatan, except that he is loyal). This is a four and a half star forward line and I don't think anyone can argue with that. Our midfield will have Neddy, Tiago, Almiron, Camo, Salihamidzic and Marchionni as the offensive players, while behind them we have Zannetti, Gianichedda and Marchisio who are all very good. If there is still money left I would personally buy a more creative central attacking midfielder, I hear that Deco is deemed surplus to requirements at Barca...
If there isn’t any money then bring back Kapo as a wildcard for those tight games we will surely have. I don’t know if you have seen him play at Levante this season but he has been great and has been the main attacking threat against teams like Real Madrid, Valencia and Atletico Madrid. I worry that those weak ass English teams (Fulham and Birmingham) are casting lecherous glances in his direction...
Anyway, the part that worries me the most is the defence. When we were in the Serie B wilderness, there were never any certain guarantees. We desperately need an excellent defender. The first choice of most Juventini would certainly be Gabriel Milito of Zaragoza. I am almost confident he will sign but if not Juve would have to find someone who can play the part of leading our defence like Cannavaro did. I can’t see Barzagli running the defence by himself but could be very good next to Grygera. I rate Barzagli very highly, but I don’t think he can run things just yet. On the left flank I would initially consider Chiellini for a starting role but Molinaro is supposedly an excellent player. Down the right flank we have Zebina, our vice-captain Birindelli who is pushing retirement (successfully) and Salihamidzic has also played this role at Bayern very well. Buffon is always the best guarantee for a goalkeeper in the world and the only trouble with that is that I keep having memories of his injury back in 2005.
The only worry is who will be in front of him leading our defence, cross your fingers for Milito.
With all this said I would recommend the next formation (if Milito does come):
---------------------Buffon---------------------
---Zebina---Grygera---Milito---Chiellini---
---Camoranesi---Tiago---Almiron---Palladino---
-------------Iaquinta---Trezeguet---------------
For the games when we have to be defensive we could very well put in Birindelli for Zebina because of Zebina's propensity to get that red mist, Giannicheda or Zannetti for either Almiron or Tiago. But be certain that we do have very good defensive subs.
For when we have to attack we could have a three man attack and push Salihamidzic up front. Or put in Nedved for Palladino in the final minutes (face it Nedved is not getting younger and although I’ve never seen him tired there is always a first time), same applies to Del Piero, personally, I'd leave him on the bench more often now, and use him more as an impact player. Bring in Marchionni for Camoranesi on the right wing during games, and slowly groom him as a solid replacement for Camo.
What we need next year is for our players to understand each other, be motivated and know that we only expect a Champions League spot. From there anything can happen.
Oh, we also need for Trezeguet and Camoranesi to stop bitching about their tough lives on their poor salaries. We will need good luck regarding injuries and we will need our players to be very motivated specially the young ones and Ranieri should do a fine job at that.
Personally, I would be more than happy for us to just qualify for the Champion's League. Don’t get me wrong I believe Juve can achieve any top four finish, but like I said earlier, there are still missing points, points which I am sure will come eventually. So any one of those top four spots is a good spot and I am confident next year we will be Serie A challengers (this year we will be a very big threat) and return Inter’s self esteem to the lowest level possible.
Again, I'd be too happy if we finish the season above Inter. FORZA JUVE!!
The mercato has been good thus far, but I believe there are still some missing elements. I am certain that Camo and Neddy would continue playing next season with us. Taking that into account Ranieri already has a pretty decent side to choose from.
Looking at Ranieri, he has set the foundation for Valencia and Chelsea to become the great teams they are today. Granted he did not win any major championships with them he certainly created the backbone of those teams. He signed or developed for Valencia: Mendieta, Angulo, Albelda, Canizares and Claudio Lopez. As for Chelsea his influence and good taste in transfers developed players like Lampard, Gallas, Terry, Joe Cole, Makelele and Scott Parker. Needless to say many of these players today are stars and both those teams have a very respectable name in Europe. Ranieri has so far signed Almiron, Tiago and Iaquinta. Salihamidzic and Grygera were signed by the board during DD's reign. These players have already made a name for themselves and I am sure Ranieri will help them develop into even further as players.
As for young players Claudio Ranieri is an expert at helping them make their transition from potential to product. We already have players such as Giorgio Chiellini who is already a solid left back and is one to watch, Claudio Marchisio, the great Raffaelle Palladino, Marco Marchionni who I believe could be a great player, Cristian Molinaro, Nocerino and Criscito (the next Cannavaro). I am not too happy to see Giovinco go, but o well...
With all these names it is easy to believe that at least 2 or 3 of the young players will be mega-stars complementing our already great stars. With Trez's decision to stay, our forward line will include Alex, Trez, Iaquinta, Zala and Palladino (our next Zlatan, except that he is loyal). This is a four and a half star forward line and I don't think anyone can argue with that. Our midfield will have Neddy, Tiago, Almiron, Camo, Salihamidzic and Marchionni as the offensive players, while behind them we have Zannetti, Gianichedda and Marchisio who are all very good. If there is still money left I would personally buy a more creative central attacking midfielder, I hear that Deco is deemed surplus to requirements at Barca...
If there isn’t any money then bring back Kapo as a wildcard for those tight games we will surely have. I don’t know if you have seen him play at Levante this season but he has been great and has been the main attacking threat against teams like Real Madrid, Valencia and Atletico Madrid. I worry that those weak ass English teams (Fulham and Birmingham) are casting lecherous glances in his direction...
Anyway, the part that worries me the most is the defence. When we were in the Serie B wilderness, there were never any certain guarantees. We desperately need an excellent defender. The first choice of most Juventini would certainly be Gabriel Milito of Zaragoza. I am almost confident he will sign but if not Juve would have to find someone who can play the part of leading our defence like Cannavaro did. I can’t see Barzagli running the defence by himself but could be very good next to Grygera. I rate Barzagli very highly, but I don’t think he can run things just yet. On the left flank I would initially consider Chiellini for a starting role but Molinaro is supposedly an excellent player. Down the right flank we have Zebina, our vice-captain Birindelli who is pushing retirement (successfully) and Salihamidzic has also played this role at Bayern very well. Buffon is always the best guarantee for a goalkeeper in the world and the only trouble with that is that I keep having memories of his injury back in 2005.
The only worry is who will be in front of him leading our defence, cross your fingers for Milito.
With all this said I would recommend the next formation (if Milito does come):
---------------------Buffon---------------------
---Zebina---Grygera---Milito---Chiellini---
---Camoranesi---Tiago---Almiron---Palladino---
-------------Iaquinta---Trezeguet---------------
For the games when we have to be defensive we could very well put in Birindelli for Zebina because of Zebina's propensity to get that red mist, Giannicheda or Zannetti for either Almiron or Tiago. But be certain that we do have very good defensive subs.
For when we have to attack we could have a three man attack and push Salihamidzic up front. Or put in Nedved for Palladino in the final minutes (face it Nedved is not getting younger and although I’ve never seen him tired there is always a first time), same applies to Del Piero, personally, I'd leave him on the bench more often now, and use him more as an impact player. Bring in Marchionni for Camoranesi on the right wing during games, and slowly groom him as a solid replacement for Camo.
What we need next year is for our players to understand each other, be motivated and know that we only expect a Champions League spot. From there anything can happen.
Oh, we also need for Trezeguet and Camoranesi to stop bitching about their tough lives on their poor salaries. We will need good luck regarding injuries and we will need our players to be very motivated specially the young ones and Ranieri should do a fine job at that.
Personally, I would be more than happy for us to just qualify for the Champion's League. Don’t get me wrong I believe Juve can achieve any top four finish, but like I said earlier, there are still missing points, points which I am sure will come eventually. So any one of those top four spots is a good spot and I am confident next year we will be Serie A challengers (this year we will be a very big threat) and return Inter’s self esteem to the lowest level possible.
Again, I'd be too happy if we finish the season above Inter. FORZA JUVE!!
Windows is well-known for having driver and .dll conflicts, as well as all sorts of software that causes problems with your computer. Luckily there's a System restore feature that can return your computer back to a known working configuration, as long as you've created a restore point.
Note that some software installations will create restore points automatically, but you should run it manually before installing any questionable applications. (Or better yet, don't install questionable applications!)
Creating a Restore Point Manually
To create a Restore Point click on Start \ programs\ Accessories \ System Tools \ System Restore, and you'll be given a wizard screen.
Click on "Create a restore point" and then click the Next button. You'll be brought to a screen where you can type in a description for your restore point. Use something memorable if possible.
Once your restore point is created (which might take a while), you will get a confirmation screen.
All done creating the restore point!
Restoring from a Restore Point
To restore from a previously created restore point, open System Restore the same as above, but this time we'll select "Restore my computer to an earlier time". Note that System Restore is going to reboot your computer in order to restore.
Click the next button, and you'll be shown a calendar with bolded dates wherever there is a restore point. Click on the date, and then click a restore point in the right hand side.
You'll get a confirmation screen asking if you really want to do this. We'll assume that there's a problem requiring you to restore, so go ahead.
Your system will reboot and then restore your computer back to the previous configuration.
Note that some software installations will create restore points automatically, but you should run it manually before installing any questionable applications. (Or better yet, don't install questionable applications!)
Creating a Restore Point Manually
To create a Restore Point click on Start \ programs\ Accessories \ System Tools \ System Restore, and you'll be given a wizard screen.
Click on "Create a restore point" and then click the Next button. You'll be brought to a screen where you can type in a description for your restore point. Use something memorable if possible.
Once your restore point is created (which might take a while), you will get a confirmation screen.
All done creating the restore point!
Restoring from a Restore Point
To restore from a previously created restore point, open System Restore the same as above, but this time we'll select "Restore my computer to an earlier time". Note that System Restore is going to reboot your computer in order to restore.
Click the next button, and you'll be shown a calendar with bolded dates wherever there is a restore point. Click on the date, and then click a restore point in the right hand side.
You'll get a confirmation screen asking if you really want to do this. We'll assume that there's a problem requiring you to restore, so go ahead.
Your system will reboot and then restore your computer back to the previous configuration.
Windows is well-known for having driver and .dll conflicts, as well as all sorts of software that causes problems with your computer. Luckily there's a System restore feature that can return your computer back to a known working configuration, as long as you've created a restore point.
Note that some software installations will create restore points automatically, but you should run it manually before installing any questionable applications. (Or better yet, don't install questionable applications!)
Creating a Restore Point Manually
To create a Restore Point click on Start \ programs\ Accessories \ System Tools \ System Restore, and you'll be given a wizard screen.
Click on "Create a restore point" and then click the Next button. You'll be brought to a screen where you can type in a description for your restore point. Use something memorable if possible.
Once your restore point is created (which might take a while), you will get a confirmation screen.
All done creating the restore point!
Restoring from a Restore Point
To restore from a previously created restore point, open System Restore the same as above, but this time we'll select "Restore my computer to an earlier time". Note that System Restore is going to reboot your computer in order to restore.
Click the next button, and you'll be shown a calendar with bolded dates wherever there is a restore point. Click on the date, and then click a restore point in the right hand side.
You'll get a confirmation screen asking if you really want to do this. We'll assume that there's a problem requiring you to restore, so go ahead.
Your system will reboot and then restore your computer back to the previous configuration.
Note that some software installations will create restore points automatically, but you should run it manually before installing any questionable applications. (Or better yet, don't install questionable applications!)
Creating a Restore Point Manually
To create a Restore Point click on Start \ programs\ Accessories \ System Tools \ System Restore, and you'll be given a wizard screen.
Click on "Create a restore point" and then click the Next button. You'll be brought to a screen where you can type in a description for your restore point. Use something memorable if possible.
Once your restore point is created (which might take a while), you will get a confirmation screen.
All done creating the restore point!
Restoring from a Restore Point
To restore from a previously created restore point, open System Restore the same as above, but this time we'll select "Restore my computer to an earlier time". Note that System Restore is going to reboot your computer in order to restore.
Click the next button, and you'll be shown a calendar with bolded dates wherever there is a restore point. Click on the date, and then click a restore point in the right hand side.
You'll get a confirmation screen asking if you really want to do this. We'll assume that there's a problem requiring you to restore, so go ahead.
Your system will reboot and then restore your computer back to the previous configuration.